Poverty, more than 60 years of armed conflict, the production and sale of illegal drugs, unequal land ownership, excessive exploitation of natural resources, and the weak institutional presence in some regions of the country combine to cause serious social inequalities and injustices.. The complex links between these factors, along with the inadequacies of the legal system reflected in the large numbers of crimes that remain unpunished and limited access to the justice system, have negative impacts on the realisation of regional development and on nationwide peace and stability..
In Nachkriegssituationen wirken sich Investitionen in Bildung positiv auf gesellschaftliche Reformprozesse aus.. Non-attendance at school, which can last for several years in some cases, gives rise to lost generations of children who often perpetuate conflicts or start new ones due to a lack of prospects.. Consequently, the education system should counteract socio-economic inequality , teach tolerance of others, practise social integration, and embrace ethnic, religious, linguistic and cultural diversity.. Investing in education has a positive impact on social reform processes in the aftermath of war..
Context Socially disadvantaged young people are affected particularly badly by unequal income distribution, increasing social inequality and unemployment and the proliferation of the informal sector.. As two thirds of the population of the Dominican Republic are under 30, this country faces particular challenges in these respects.. Success, in the form of sustainable economic growth, the fair distribution of resources, good governance and hence less social inequality, can only be achieved through coordinated activities by all stakeholders at local, national and international level..
In addition, we provide advice on embedding poverty reduction in the design of international development processes and agreements.. Dabei wollen wir mit Ihnen u. Every year on this day, the UN reminds the international community that it is only by working together to sustainably reduce poverty that we can enable people around the world to live secure and dignified lives.. The events held on the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty aim to raise awareness of current trends and global developments relating to poverty and inequality , and to encourage discussion on this topic and its role in shaping German international cooperation..
Among other issues, we would like to discuss with you how much attention is given to poverty and inequality in Germany and Europe, and how we can ensure that transformation processes are socially just.. Context Paraguay suffers from great economic and social inequality.. These statistics, however, conceal a number of deep-seated inequalities , especially in the social sector education, health, gender , as well as the challenge of introducing sustainable environmental management..
Darunter leidet die wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Entwicklung des Landes.. While a new middle class is emerging, sections of the population feel excluded from the progress the country is making.. With the majority of the population suffering from poverty and neglect for decades and against a backdrop of widespread social inequality , violence has come to dominate the lives of many South Africans.. With the aim of addressing the consistently high levels of violence, GIZ has — on behalf of the German Government — been implementing a violence prevention programme in South Africa since We are using the following form field to detect spammers.
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Our aim is to analyze power constellations, social exclusion processes as well as forms of stigmatisation that cause unequal cities. However, owing to the differences in status and social conditions between the Germans and the refugees, it is important that the Germans ensure a deeper understanding of the social conditions and realities of refugee lives in Germany and to critically reflect on them. Not every activity intended to support refugees and migrants are regarded as useful by the refugees especially as we are more limited in our options than Germans.
These elites emerged not only in the economic area, but also in politics. Dabei geht der Schwerpunkt von einem doppelten Transformationsbegriff aus. The transformation concept has a double load here. Ein besonderer Akzent liegt auf der Analyse von Eliten im politischen System. A special emphasis is given to the analysis of elites in a political system. A special feature of this research direction is interconnectedness of economic-political, labour and sociological labour market issues with research on social differences and integration problems of modern societies.
The empirical research in this direction is oriented internationally and connected to the Collaborative Research Centre through single projects.
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Eine zentral positionierte Kamera hat die Improvisationen in einer nahtlosen Aufnahme festgehalten. For the first time, the work will be presented at the KUB in the form of a two-part video installation. Dieser fiktive Film behandelt die soziale Ungleichheit in Bangladesch. This fiction film deals with the social differences in Bangladesh. Enfants du Monde has several projects in Bangladesh in the fields of education and health.
In other survey years, migration information was limited to citizenship and year of migration, which made it impossible to identify second generation migrants with German citizenship. The extended question program in and allows us to identify these second generation migrants. Using the own-children method, we generate the age at childbirth.
We compare the transition to first and second birth among women of the two migrant groups to non-migrant western Germans, i. By employing event history techniques, we control for standard socio-demographic characteristics, such as education. Although it would have been interesting to also analyze third birth behavior, only a very selective group is at risk of having a third birth as particularly the second but also the 1. Number of third birth events. Non-migrant Germans, 1. Source: Mikrozensus and , unweighted.
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Especially those migrants who decide to stay are of great importance for the demographic development of a country because the group of stayers affect population development. This leads to the question of how far integration progresses and what the determinants are. A first attempt to present a theoretical framework was made by representatives of the Chicago School, who developed an approach to explain assimilation processes in the US Gordon ; Park and Burgess The classical assimilation theory describes the decline of an ethnic or racial distinction and the cultural and social differences that express it Alba and Nee Assimilation was expected to be an inevitable, gradual process which increases over immigrant generations Alba and Nee ; Zhou However, the theory received a lot of criticism.
It was argued that receiving societies are not homogenous and that migrants might adapt to specific groups rather than to mainstream society, resulting in segmented assimilation Portes and Zhou ; Rumbaut Moreover, it was criticized that both classical assimilation and segmented assimilation theory do not offer explicit mechanisms to explain assimilation processes, but they merely describe empirical outcomes Esser , Others observed that the concept of assimilation in general implies a dominance of the majority society Bade and Bommes The processes can refer to first generation immigrants as well as to their children and grandchildren ibid.
The fertility patterns of migrants can serve as an indicator of integration into the society in the country of destination Coleman Fertility decisions are influenced by both cultural and structural conditions Lesthaeghe and Surkyn ; Letablier et al. The two mechanisms can differ between countries, which might result in diverse fertility patterns across countries. We argue that comparing second and 1. Therefore, disruption effects do not play a role in their fertility patterns. While for the first generation it was argued that Turkish migrants are a selective group with rather low socio-economic background, this should be of minor relevance for the descendants of migrants.
It has been shown that they also differ systematically in their socio-economic situation from non-migrants in the country of destination. In the following, we discuss how socialization, adaptation and composition effects might explain differences in fertility behavior among non-migrants, second, and 1. Family values and gender role attitudes differ across countries Nauck and Klaus Based on socialization theory, researchers expect that these social roles and values are transmitted to each social group member via socialization Goode In the classic formulation of the theory, socialization is described as a process that takes place largely within the family and during childhood Parsons Family-related norms and values are also transmitted during childhood within the family Putney and Bengtson In line with this, it has been shown that mothers pass on their gender role attitudes Moen et al.
Empirical evidence has shown that those who migrated from high fertility origin countries have considerably higher fertility than non-migrants in the low fertility destination countries Alders for the Netherlands; Andersson for Sweden; Kahn for the US. However, fertility norms and values are also transmitted via the first generation to their children. In line with this, it was found that first generation migrants transmit their higher child number ideals and lower age norms concerning the first child to their children Nauck ; Nauck et al. These attitudes are mirrored in fertility patterns: the second generation of Turkish migrants shows higher first birth rates than do the majority populations in several European countries Milewski Moreover, a study of Germany indicates that second generation migrants are on average younger at first birth than non-migrant western Germans, but are older than first generation migrants Milewski a.
Socialization arguments explain not only why migrants and their descendants show different fertility behaviour than non-migrants. They also provide a framework to explain why migrant generations are distinct. Based on the fact that the 1. Both groups are influenced by the Turkish community and family in the country of destination. But those migrating as children were partly socialized in the country of origin, i. By contrast, the second generation experienced socialization entirely in the receiving society.
They maintained social contacts with both peers of Turkish origin and non-migrant Germans during childhood and were thus exposed to German family norms to some extent. Also their parents had been living longer in the receiving society and might have adapted to the host country norms themselves. Because of their different socialization experiences during childhood, we expect that 1. While socialization arguments are usually employed to explain behavioural differences between migrant generations and non-migrants, adaptation arguments help us to understand why fertility patterns converge.
Adaptation consists of two different mechanisms that are interrelated and affect one another Frank and Heuveline ; Kulu ; Rumbaut and Weeks On the one hand, the economic conditions in the country of destination affect childbearing. From a neo-classical micro-economic perspective, fertility decisions are the product of direct costs and opportunity costs of children Becker ; Hotz et al.
Moving to a country with better job perspectives for women and higher living costs increases the costs of childrearing for migrants from less developed areas. Accordingly, they adapt their fertility behavior toward lower fertility and later birth transitions. In line with this, studies in Sweden have shown that women participating in the labour market have largely the same fertility patterns—independent of migrant background Andersson and Scott , On the other hand, fertility is determined by norms and values concerning the ideal family size and the timing of parenthood.
Empirically, it has been shown that the value parents attach to children differs systematically across countries Nauck ; Nauck and Klaus In a similar vein, the Second Demographic Transition-approach links the cultural change seen in many European countries over the last decades, marked by secular individualization trends, with decreasing fertility levels Lesthaeghe ; Sobotka ; Van De Kaa Non-western migrants are exposed to these individualistic norms and values after migrating to European countries.
They might adapt to the lower child number ideals and preferences for later entry into parenthood prevalent in the country of destination. Initially, the concept of adaptation was used to explain adjustment processes of first generation immigrants in the short-term. The degree of adaptation was assumed to increase the longer a migrant resides in the receiving society Hervitz ; Kahn ; Lindstrom and Giorguli Saucedo ; Singley and Landale ; Stephen and Bean For their entire adult life, both the 1. They might thus experience cultural adaptation via social contacts with the majority population, affecting their childbearing preferences.
In line with this, it has been shown that across Europe second generation migrants reported higher ideal ages at parenthood than the first generation Holland and De Valk The adaptation of norms and values somehow contradicts the socialization theory in its original sense, where fertility preferences are assumed to be based on childhood socialization and stay constant over the life course.
Nevertheless, socialization can be seen as a lifelong process, as individuals change their preferences and attitudes even after the beginning of adulthood Mortimer and Simmons ; Settersten Jr. With a focus on the adult life, the adaptation theory states that the relevance of the conditions in the receiving society exceed the influence of the fertility preferences absorbed during childhood socialization. Both second and 1. Turkish migrants have a different socio-economic, cultural and demographic background than non-migrant Germans, and these aspects are relevant for childbearing decisions.
Therefore, the composition of migrant groups could be responsible for fertility differentials. In addition to cultural factors, such as religion, language, and family orientation, the differences between migrants and non-migrants in the country of destination lie particularly in the socio-economic sphere. One indicator to approximate the socio-economic status of a person is his or her level of educational attainment. From a micro-economic perspective, higher educational levels are related to higher opportunity costs and lead to lower fertility Schultz This negative effect is also reflected in elevated postponement of first births among highly educated and career-oriented women Gustafsson Concerning higher order births, the relationship seems to be more complex.
For migrants and their descendants, it has been found that on average second generation migrants attend school longer than first generation migrants Dustmann et al. Following the composition hypothesis these educational differences would account for differences in fertility patterns of migrants and non-migrants. Based on such compositional effects, there are no reasons to expect that differences in birth risks among non-migrant Germans, 1.
To acquire foreign workers, the German government initiated agreements with several Mediterranean countries: Italy , Spain and Greece , Morocco , Portugal , Tunisia and former Yugoslavia The contract on coordinated labor migration from Turkey to Germany was signed in Most labor migrants from Turkey came from agrarian regions and had vocational qualifications for jobs in craft industries.
Thus they had higher qualifications than the average Turkish population, but lower education than the average non-migrant German Treichler Once in Germany, labor migrants filled mostly unskilled and semi-skilled jobs in industry Seifert After the oil price shock and the resulting recession in , the recruitment agreements were terminated.
In the following phase, the only option to emigrate legally from Turkey to Germany was to rely on the right of family reunification or to ask for political asylum. For family reunification, an immigrant living in Germany was allowed to bring a foreign spouse and children up to age 15 to the country.
As a result, the size of the foreign population in Germany increased and its composition changed Heckmann Before , immigrants were primarily workers aged between 20 and 40, most of them men. Today, Turkish migrants and their descendants represent 3. About half of them belong to the first immigrant generation and migrated themselves, the second generation makes up the other half Destatis Turkish migrants and their descendants primarily live in western Germany, particularly in urban areas Haug et al.
In addition, vocational qualification is low. However, these levels also reflect the fact that obtaining vocational qualification was less common in their regions of origin in the past, particularly for women. It was found that immigrants in Germany have easier access to blue-collar jobs than to white-collar jobs Seifert The picture is different for the second migrant generation. Because they grew up and obtained their educational degrees in Germany, their qualifications do not need to be transferred to the German system.
On average, they obtain higher educational degrees and vocational education more often than do first generation migrants. In addition to the socio-economic status, family norms and values in the country of origin play an important role for migrant fertility. In the case of Turkish migrants, their religious and cultural factors differ considerably from those prevalent in Germany. In Turkey, social change has been dramatic since the beginning of the twentieth century, resulting in large disparities across social groups, who experience this change at different paces Nauck There is no homogeneous development in Turkish society, as a situation of continuity and change has led to a hybridity of western and indigenous values Kavas und Thornton In Turkey there is a strong belief in the concept of marriage, which is shown by undiminished marriage rates and the still extensive influence of parents on partner selection and marriage Nauck und Klaus Intergenerational ties are still strong and it is expected that children help their parents when they are old Nauck Nevertheless it has been reported that the value of children has been shifted from a focus on the economic advantage of children, e.
The psychological value of children lies in the emotional rewards expected from having children, which is often related to a lower number of children Nauck und Klaus In line with this, Turkish society has seen a sharp fertility decline since the beginning in the mid-twentieth century. The average total fertility rate TFR fell from 6. Compared to a TFR in Germany of approximately 1. But within Turkey, there are large differences across ethnic groups.
Particularly Kurdish women show much higher rates of having a higher order birth than do women of other ethnicities Yavuz Moreover, there is also a strong educational gradient: women with high education have lower fertility than those with less education Yavuz ; Nauck In addition, fertility behavior differs by region. The heterogeneity of fertility patterns in Turkey across regions and ethnic groups makes it difficult to evaluate socialization arguments.
Unfortunately, our data contain no information on the region of origin nor on the social environment of a person. Our analyses are based on pooled cross-sectional data from the German Mikrozensus of the years and Prior to that, migrants could be identified only on the basis of citizenship and place of birth, meaning that descendants of migrants who were born in Germany and who had German citizenship could not be identified.
The Mikrozensus is a one-percent sample of all German households, covering standard socio-demographic characteristics such as age, citizenship, region of residence, educational attainment, etc. While other studies often pool migrants from different countries of origin, the large sample size of the Mikrozensus enables Turkish migrants to be differentiated from other migrant groups. Moreover, in comparison with other surveys, nonresponse is of minor relevance in the Mikrozensus because participation is not voluntary; respondents are required by law to submit information.
Unfortunately, the detailed information collected in the survey refers only to the household members, not to persons who do not live in the household. Therefore, no complete fertility histories are provided. Instead, the number of children born per woman needs to be estimated via the number of co-residing children. This procedure might underestimate the true number of children a person has, especially in cases where a child has already left the parental home. This limits our analysis to children co-residing with women in the age range 18 to 40 years, i. As fertility patterns differ between eastern and western Germans Huinink et al.
Moreover, we do not consider respondents who are not of a Turkish or German background. This leaves us with a sample of 85, respondents, the vast majority of which are non-migrant Germans 82, and two smaller samples of 1. In a first descriptive step, we use Kaplan-Meier survival curves to compare the fertility behavior of respondents of migrant origin and non-migrant Germans. In the multivariate analyses, we run discrete-time hazard models. For the transition to first birth, the process time is the age of woman. For the transition to second birth, the duration since birth of the first child denotes the process time.
It is calculated using the difference in the birth year of the oldest and the second-oldest child living in the household. As the yearly birth information does not allow us to distinguish between twin births and two consecutive births in a time frame smaller than 12 months, we excluded the respective respondents from the analysis of second births. Because our time scale is discrete, and assuming that the underlying latent time variable was continuous, we specified the hazard rate as complementary log-log cloglog function Allison The data are organized in person-year format, with each person potentially contributing one entry per year.
Cases are censored in the year a woman gives birth or when a respondent has not yet had a first second birth at time of the interview. To identify whether education has a different effect on fertility patterns among non-migrant Germans and the descendants of migrants, we also interact the level of education with migrant status two-way interaction.
Moreover, we run three-way interactions in order to account for the fertility intensities by age according to educational group. It has been shown that women with lower educational levels have their highest first birth risks in their mid-twenties, while those with higher education levels enter motherhood at later ages on average Tesching In order to examine whether these age patterns differ according to migrant background, we interact the level of education, migrant status and the age of first birth.
It has to be noted that for this model we reduced the number of age groups to three 18—25, 26—32, 33—40 years. This was necessary because of the small sample size, especially for respondents of Turkish origin in the high education group. Due to sample size issues we also refrain from running the three-way-interaction for second births.
In the multivariate analyses, the key variable is the migration background of a woman. We define three groups: non-migrants include respondents who were born in Germany and whose parents have or had exclusively German citizenship. Second generation migrants were born in Germany, but their parents have or had Turkish citizenship. Respondents are categorized as 1. It would have been interesting to investigate the behavior of those with one Turkish and one German parent, but this group was too small for any meaningful analysis and was therefore excluded from the sample.
Also those who had a parent with other than Turkish or German citizenship were not considered in the analyses. We define three cohorts: born in —, — or — The age at birth was generated and grouped into four categories 18—24 years, 25—29 years, 30—34 years and 35—40 years. In our sample, the migrant groups differ regarding their age structure. Respondents of the second generation are younger than 1. For both the 1. They arrived with their children under age 16 years, who belong to the generation 1.
As only a small number of second generation migrants in the data were born before , we restrict the sample to those born afterwards. This leaves us with respondents born between and Number of first birth events. In the analyses of the transition to second birth, the focus is on the age of first child at time of second birth. It has been shown that non-migrants have their first child later than those of migrant origin. Another variable of interest is education.
As mentioned before, the variables in the Mikrozensus are available only for the time of interview. The number of respondents who were enrolled in school at the time of the interview was very small. As this group had not yet gained a degree, we categorized them into the lower secondary school group. The descriptive statistics show that in our sample, non-migrant Germans have the highest level of education compared to 1. While only a small share of respondents of the 1.
Number of second birth events. As a first step, we compare first and second births based on survival curves. However, using yearly time information results in an overestimation of the Kaplan-Meier survival estimates. In order to reduce this overestimation, we imputed a random birth month.
The first panel shows the estimated Kaplan-Meier survival curves for first births. For Germans, the median age at first birth was reached at For 1. This shows that the 1. In our sample, second generation migrants are still quite young; only few of them had reached ages above 38 at time of interview. The level of childlessness at age 37 is highest among non-migrants, lower for the second generation and lowest for the 1. Although the number of exposure and occurrences was small, this sensitivity check revealed that within each cohort, the second generation remained on the intermediate position found in Fig.
Survival curves. Female respondents of birth cohorts — The second panel of Fig. Here, the process time of interest is the duration since first birth. For all three migrant status groups, the likelihood of having a second child is highest one to four years after the first child was born. The curves for the three groups follow a similar pattern for these first four years, with the 1. For Germans, the process slows down after four years, while for Turkish descendants it continues. On average, this divergence of the survival curves after four years since first birth suggests longer birth spacing intervals for Turkish descendants compared to non-migrant Germans.
In sum, women with Turkish origin seem to start childbearing earlier and space their subsequent births further apart than do non-migrant Germans. Also, for the transition to second births, sensitivity checks for each birth cohort supported our results. The covariates for the first and second birth models are introduced to the regression models stepwise, hence the results are presented as average marginal effects AME , which are preferable to odds ratios when interpreting results of nested models Best und Wolf ; Mood For our categorical independent variable, the AME indicates by how much the predicted probability of having a child changes on average for the respective variable value.
Determinants of the transition to first births. Discrete-time hazard model. Average marginal effects. Determinants of the transition to second births. Model 1a shows a hump-shaped effect of age: The annual probability to have a first birth is low for respondents under age 25, rises for those between 25 and 34 years, and diminishes again for those in the age group 35 to 40 years. For birth cohort, we find a negative effect: Women born earlier have a higher annual probability of having a first birth than those born in younger birth cohorts.
This indicates that there is an on-going postponement of first births. Concerning the migration background of respondents, we defined second generation migrants as a reference category in order to not only show the difference between those with Turkish origin and non-migrants, but also to evaluate whether there are significant differences between the two migrant generations.
We find a negative educational gradient: the higher the school education, the lower the annual probability of having a first birth. The effect of migration status is slightly reduced compared to model 1 but remains significant. This reveals that fertility differentials of non-migrants, second and 1. In order to identify whether the effect of education on first births differs across migrant generations, in Model 2 we include a two-way interaction effect of migrant background and educational attainment.
It reveals that Germans have the lowest annual probability of having a first birth, followed by second generation Turkish migrants, while respondents of the 1. However, the difference between the three migrant status groups converges over school education. While the difference is largest among women in the low education group, it is less pronounced for women with medium education and diminishes for those with high education.
Among highly educated women the three migrant status groups do not differ regarding their annual probabilities of having a first birth. Interaction migration background and education. Transition to first birth. Discrete-time hazard model Model 2. Reference group: Second generation Turkish migrants. Other studies have shown that each education group follows different fertility patterns over age Tesching In order to identify how these patterns vary for migrants and non-migrants, we estimated three-way interaction models of education, migrant status, and age.
Due to the small sample size, the occurrence of first birth in some categories was rare and therefore we reduced the number of age groups from four to three cf. We display predicted probabilities because we are interested in the absolute probabilities of having a first child for all our age and educational groups.
This allows us to identify age patterns for women with low, medium or high education in each migration status group. Average marginal effects, by contrast, would show the average effect of age and education on the probability of having a first child in comparison to one specific reference group e. This would not reveal the age patterns for childbearing in each migrant group—which was the focus of our three-way interaction model. The first panel of Fig.
For highly educated German women the probability of having a first birth rises with increasing age. They postpone first birth and have the highest annual fertility probability in the age group 33—40 years. They are also more likely to have a first birth in this age category compared to other education groups. By contrast, first childbirth among non-migrants with low or medium education is highest in the medium age group of 26—32 years.
The pattern for descendants of Turkish migrants differs markedly from that of German non-migrants: Panel 2 of Fig. Women with a low educational level seem to show higher annual probabilities for first birth in the younger age groups. By contrast, women in the medium education category are more likely to give birth with increasing age.
For the second generation Panel 3 in Fig. The annual probability of having a first child among highly educated women is again lowest compared to other education groups and peaks at ages 26—32 years.
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Women with lower levels of education show nearly constant birth probabilities over age, while women with a medium level of education have highest probabilities of first birth in the oldest age group. Three-way interaction of migration status, education and age. Predicted probabilities. Descriptive statistics. Number of first birth events by migration status, education and age.
For Turkish descendants, we see no postponement of first births among the highly educated, but their fertility level remains low across all age groups compared to those with lower education. This effect is more pronounced among Turkish descendants of the second generation. This is related to two aspects: First, a smaller number of Turkish origin women have higher education. In these models the process time is the duration since first birth.
It is shown that the probability of second birth is highest two to four years after first birth. Before and after that, the probability is lower. We also control for maternal age at first birth. In line with other studies e. Kreyenfeld , we find that women who had their first child after age 30 have lower annual probabilities of having a second child compared to those who were younger. Model 4a indicates a higher probability of second birth for the 1. In Model 4b, we control for the educational attainment of respondents. Our results imply that for second births, women with low and medium levels of education show similar annual birth probabilities.
In order to identify whether this pattern is different for respondents with Turkish origin and non-migrant Germans, we specify an interaction effect Model 5 , which is graphically displayed in Fig. Again, second generation migrants mark the reference group. The graph indicates that the positive effect of high education is found only for Germans, whose annual probability of having a second child is significantly higher compared to second generation migrants with high education.
One caveat of our analysis is that, although we were using the largest survey dataset available in Germany, we still ran into sample size problems. These sample size restrictions limit our ability to analyze interaction effects in greater detail. This is also the reason why we have refrained from running the three-way-interaction models for second births. Interaction model of migration background and education. Transition to second birth. Average marginal effects Model 5.
Discrete-time hazard model Model 5. Reference group: 2nd generation Turkish migrants. Germany has been one of the major receiving countries for migrants in Europe. The labour migrants who arrived in the s and early s partially remained in Germany, formed their families and had children. Therefore, the study of integration processes is increasingly reaching a stage where also the behaviour of 1. Focusing on descendants of Turkish migrants, who are the largest migrant group from a single country of origin in Germany, we were interested if differences persist or fertility patterns adapt. This is an interesting endeavour because social integration of migrants is a topic of public interest.
Beyond that, the socialization and adaptation processes allow us to learn something about the interplay of normative and institutional determinants of social change Kalter Based on data of the German Mikrozensus, this study focused on fertility patterns of the 1. Our results show that the 1. The comparison of the second and 1. Because both groups, the 1. Alternatively, socialization theory expects that the migrant generations differ because the generation 1. Our analyses show that 1.
This is in line with the socialization hypothesis. This finding does not necessarily contradict adaptation arguments, but it seems that socialization effects are more relevant here. We find adaptation tendencies of fertility particularly among highly educated women. For those with lower education, the annual probability of having a first birth varies strongly between non-migrants, 1.
Among highly educated women, annual first birth probabilities do not differ across the three migrant status groups.
It seems that differences between German non-migrants and Turkish descendants of the 1. Our findings indicate that high education has an equalizing effect, i. Other studies have shown that the transition to first birth differs by educational level Tesching In order to compare such differences across migrant background, we did three way interactions for migrant status, education and age.
However, the second generation is still quite young and so far only a small share of women with Turkish roots have both attained high education and reached ages above 30 years. Thus, the single categories in our analysis were very small and we refrain from drawing strong conclusions.
Our study adds to the literature on the fertility behaviour of migrants in advanced societies. First, in line with findings for other countries Blau et al. However, the second generation Turkish still differs markedly from non-migrant Germans, thus fertility adaptation seems to be less developed than for example in the Netherlands Garssen and Nicolaas